Balkan Bomber is convert to Catholicism!!

Last updated August 3, 1999

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General Wesley Clark

General Wesley Clark, the mad bomber of the Balkans, who is trying to start WW III is a convert to Catholicism....Raised a Protestant in Little Rock, Arkansas, he converted to Catholicism during the Vietnamese Inquisition. He learned his trade there by killing Buddhists . . . and is applying the experience gained to the murder of Serb and Muslim men, women, children and babies.

General Clark also got additional experience killing civilians at Waco.

St. Peter describes the condition of a person who becomes an apostate and leaves the true Church:

"For it had been better for them not to have known the way of righteousness, than, after they have known it, to turn from the holy commandment delivered unto them. But it is happened unto them according to the true proverb, The dog is turned to his own vomit again; and the sow that was washed to her wallowing in the mire"
(II St. Peter 2:21-22).

There you have it....St. Peter calls them dogs and swine. In Bible times, dogs were not your domesticated, well-loved pets that we find today....They were considered scavengers like hyenas!!

Rome teaches that her sacraments are necessary to get one to Heaven. All she has to do to stop the war right now is to withhold the sacraments from Gen. Wesley!!

"I won't start World War III for you" British general tells Wesley Clark.
Special Report from

Special Report by the New York Times, Monday, May 3, 1999


WASHINGTON, April 30 - The American general who is leading NATO's military operation to stop Serbian troops from killing and expelling Albanians from Kosovo discovered as an adult that he is the grandson of a Russian Jew who fled his country to escape the pogroms there a century ago.

Gen. Wesley Kanne Clark was raised as a Protestant in Little Rock, Ark., where he was brought up by his mother and stepfather, Victor Clark. He was ignorant of his ancestry, which disappeared from his life with the death of his father, Benjamin Jacob Kanne when Wesley was 5 years old. He learned of his ethnic background when he was in his 20's and embraced the discovery, according to several family members.

Since President Slobodan Milosovic of Yugoslavia began the forced exodus of Albanians from Kosovo, many have drawn parallels with the expulsion of Jews from Russia and the Nazi mass murder of Jews during the Holocaust in Europe.

General Clark has not discussed his heritage with many people, sharing his belated discovery of his biological father's family and background with only a few close friends and his immediate family. He declined to be interviewed for this article.

But in interviews, some of his relatives and friends say that General Clark was inspired by the story of his grandfather's persecution and escape from his native land, and that his determination to defeat Mr. Milosevic is fed in part by his empathy for the victims of Serbian ethnic purges.

After he was married, while studying at Oxford from 1966 to 1968, Wesley Clark was contacted by his father's relatives and gradually became aware of who his father and grandparents were. Soon after, he met some of the members of his lost family. He then slowly became part of the Kanne family, beginning with the initial phone call from a cousin in the late 1960's and culminating with an invitation to his first cousin Barry Kanne to spend a quiet New Year dinner with him in Belgium this year.

General Clark also has become fluent in the Russian language and in the past three years has delved into the family history.

"He's visited my mother several times in the past two years to find out what he could about his father and grandfather - she is the oldest living relative and the repository of the family history," said Barry Kanne, the general's first cousin and the son of Benjamin Kanne's only brother.

In the late 1890's, Jacob Nemerovsky, the general's grandfather, fled Russia in fear for his life during one of the episodic pogroms against Jews. According to the family, Mr. Nemerovsky found safety in Switzerland where he obtained a false passport under the family name of Kanne, which he used to immigrate to the United States.

"Wes and I talked about his family once on a military plane to Bosnia," said Richard C. Holbrooke, the negotiator of the Dayton peace plan. "I told him how my wife discovered she was Jewish in her 30's and he said, 'That's funny, I have a sort of similar story."' (Another Clinton Administration official, Madeleine K. Albright, learned only after she was nominated as Secretary of State that her grandparents had died in concentration camps during the Holocaust.)

The Kanne family say they believe that General Clark has, in the Balkans crisis, called on discipline and motivation that reminds them of his father. Gen. John Shalikashvili, the retired chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and a confidant of General Clark's, says that the general has been under "unbelievable stress" as the Kosovo air campaign has expanded.

"Clark has an infinite capacity for hard work and stress," General Shalikashvili said. "That's a characteristic of his - he devotes all of his energies to get the job done and done right.

These were also characteristics of his father B. J. Kanne, who in a grainy 1927 newspaper photograph bears a remarkable resemblance to the man commanding the biggest European conflict since World War II His father had made the news for resigning from his position as assistant prosecuting attorney in Chicago that year in order to "devote his entire time" to run for election as alderman of the Fourth Ward.

"He was very active in politics in Chicago, and a University of Chicago graduate," said Harriet Salk, an older cousin of General Clark who lives in a suburb outside the city. "And what a tall, good-looking guy."

She remembers that handsome uncle from the family gatherings every Friday night - the beginning of Sabbath - and again on Sunday evening at the home of Grandmother Kanne, the widow of Jacob. The family is not sure, but they believe she, too, fled Russia, coming to America with Jacob

The general's father, who served as a Navy ensign during World War 1, practiced law in Chicago's corporation counsel for 20 years and had joined a private firm with his brother Louis when he died suddenly of a heart attack at the age of 51. He left behind his widow, Veneta Kanne, and a lone son, Wesley.

At the funeral, Mrs. Salk said, "the constituents were lined up for blocks to pay their respects to Wesley's father."

Soon afterwards, the young Wesley Clark moved with his mother to her hometown of Little Rock, far away from the close knit Chicago family of his hard-driving, ambitious father. His mother remarried Victor Clark, who adopted Wesley and gave him his name, and thereafter the Kanne family learned of the accomplishments of B. J.'s son from a distance. Florence Ellis, one of the sisters of B. J. Kanne, kept a private correspondence with Veneta Kanne Clark, and passed on the letters about Wesley to the rest of Kanne family.

As Wesley K. Clark graduated first in his high school class, then first in his class at West Point, the family heaped praise on Veneta for raising him so well and also avoided direct contact with Wesley out of respect for Veneta's new life according to cousin Barry Kanne.

Then when Wesley Clark was attending Oxford as a Rhodes scholar one of the cousins, Molly Friedman from Cleveland, was visiting England and called Wesley at the university. At that point General Clark didn't even know why he had the unusual middle name of Kanne, much less who his real father or grandfather were, according to the relatives.

After receiving a master's degree, General Clark left Oxford to fight in, Vietnam, where he commanded a mechanized infantry company, was wounded four times and received the Silver Star and Purple Heart awards.

He also converted to Roman Catholicism in Vietnam, abandoning the Southern Baptist faith of his mother.

Over the next decade, General Clark had few contacts with the Kanne family as he climbed up the military ranks and began to build his strong political network, beginning with his appointment as a White House Fellow immediately after the Vietnam War.

In the 1990's, however, Barry Kanne's daughter April introduced herself to General Clark's son, Wesley, Jr., when they were both studying at Georgetown University.

"I looked him up and he had ready heard a lot of the stories at that point," said April Kanne Donnelan. "After that I spent a couple of Christmases at General Clark home at Fort McNair."

Through their children's contacts General Clark finally met Barry Kanne, his first cousin and the only other direct male descendant of Jacob Nemerovsky.

Meet the real General Clark at

Many Catholics in Kosovo Liberation Army

Special Report by the New York Times, Monday, March 29, 1999


TETOVO, Macedonia, March 28 As a mullah sang out the call to prayer at a mosque here, local volunteers today distributed sheep, ritually slaughtered for the Muslim holiday that began Saturday, to Albanian refugees from Kosovo.

A few streets away, one of the leaders of the Albanian nationalist movement in Macedonia warned that religion should be kept out of the edgy politics of his country.

"We have two problems," said Arben Xhafari, leader of the Democratic Party of Albania. "The effort to marginalize Albanians in this society is one. The more inherent problem is the Islamization of Albanian culture."

Tetovo, a bustling Macedonian city, is something of an anomaly: the majority of its 300,000 residents are ethnic Albanian, who are not Slavic.

Macedonian Slavs, who are the dominant ethic group in this former republic of Yugoslavia, are in a minority in Tetovo. Especially now, when the war in Kosovo is putting heavy strains on the country's fragile stability, Albanian leaders here are struggling to keep up their battle for equal rights, without sliding into the ethnic and sectarian divisions that have brutally torn apart other former Yugoslav republics.

Macedonia is now the only former Yugoslav republic that has peacefully retained an ethnically mixed society. The war in Kosovo, waged at Macedonia's borders, is testing the country's ability to keep itself intact.

It is a country with all the ingredients for a Bosnian-style debacle—poverty, political instability and fierce ethnic and religious rivalries.

But what is working in its favor is an ambition to move toward a Western-style democracy and, most important, a widely shared dread of ending up like its war torn neighbors.

"We all recognize how important it is to keep Macedonia stable in the middle of a very rough neighborhood," a senior Western diplomat said. "But Macedonians have always understood the first rule for a small country in the Balkans: Keep your head down and survive."

Macedonia has not exactly done that. It took a risk by allowing 10,000 NATO troops to be deployed along its borders as the vanguard of the NATO force that would have kept the peace in Kosovo if Yugoslavia had accepted a settlement for Kosovo autonomy. Now Macedonia is hoping that those NATO troops will protect them from attack from Yugoslavia.

Today, the Government of Macedonia, which is in the Partnership for Peace, the cooperative arrangement that NATO offered former Soviet bloc nations, asked urgently to be admitted to NATO. "We have given NATO everything they asked for," a Macedonian official told Reuters. "And we need guarantees on their part."

NATO is unlikely to take such a step any time soon, but the request was a sign of just how exposed and vulnerable Macedonia feels.

Referring to a riot on Thursday outside the American Embassy led by Serbian sympathizers in Macedonia, the country's Interior Minister, Pavle Trajanov, warned of "attempts by terrorism to deteriorate the stability of our institutions and the stated end to involve Macedonia in the so-called Kosovo scenario."

Macedonia's eagerness to align itself with the West and to protect itself from Serbian reprisals is straining its coalition Government, which is made up of a Macedonian Slav partty, the Democratic Alternative, a Pro-Serbian group, and the Democratic Party of Albania.

Ethnic Albanians in Macedonia unequivocally support NATO's action to protect ethnic Albanians in the Serbian province of Kosovo.

Other ethnic groups, even while fearing that Serbia, the major entity in Yugoslavia, could threaten their country's sovereignty, express far less enthusiasm about the presence of NATO troops.

"People here think Clinton is garbage," Slobodan Atanasovski, a Macedonian Slav who owns a small shop in a Slavic neighborhood of Tetovo, said. "We want to be part of Europe, but that doesn't mean we want to be invaded by American troops."

The yearning to join the West, however, can be seen on the city's streets. Tetovo, a rundown city of Soviet-style high-rises and rickety slums, also has a new shopping center and on main corners, large recycling bins. It was the first city in Macedonia to introduce the notion of recycling plastic, glass and tin.

Thousands of Kosovo refugees have found shelter in the homes of relatives or friends here. There is little evident resentment of them by other ethnic groups, which live in different neighborhoods.

For the most part, the crisis in Kosovo has heightened existing Macedonian tensions over national identity and civil rights. Since 1994, Tetovo has had its own university, a cluster of shabby cement apartment houses converted into classrooms and dormitories, where 6,000 students and 300 faculty members conduct classes in Albanian. The university is not accredited by the Macedonian Government.

"The Government of Macedonia doesn't want us to be educated," said the university's rector, Fadil Sulejmani. "They think that by keeping Albanians as ditch diggers and street cleaners, they can keep us down."

Mr. Xhafari of the Democratic Party of Albania agrees, arguing that the only way to avoid a radical Islamic movement in Macedonia is to build up secular Albanian institutions like schools.

"Our global project is to cooperate with the West," he said. He expressed mistrust of his erstwhile allies in Government, whom he said sympathized with Serbia, but he acknowledged that they shared the same long-term goals. "Spiritually they are with the East, but their self interest lies in the West," he added.

Most Macedonian Slavs are Eastern Orthodox, but religion, which was never deeply tied to national identity in Macedonia, has not yet surfaced as a major dividing line, either here or in Kosovo. Ethnic Albanians in both places did not convert to Islam until the 16th and 17th centuries, and the religion is observed lightly.

For now at least, Islam is not a rallying cry for the fighters of the Kosovo Liberation Army, the separatist rebels who have many Catholics in their ranks and whose leaders recognize the importance of allying their movement with the West.

For similar reasons, Islam has not been exploited by Albanian nationalists in Macedonia. And that has helped keep the country from falling apart. On Friday, only a few men showed up for afternoon prayer at Tetovo's unusual Painted Mosque—a colorful, richly frescoed testament to how Macedonia mingled Christian art with Islamic tradition imported under the Ottoman empire.

" Young people do not come here so often," Avdi Mustafa, the mosque's aged caretaker, said a bit sadly. "They are more interested in schools and universities than the mosque."

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